Here is a first anniversary memo that I sent out today to our team of more than 70 correspondents in 50 countries. In the spirit of transparency and pride over what we have accomplished, I thought I’d share it here:

To all GlobalPost correspondents, columnists and editors,

Thank you for all the great work that made our first year at GlobalPost a spectacular success.

On this day one year ago, we set out on a journey to create a new voice in international news for the digital age. And now one year after launch we’ve achieved that. In fact, we have surpassed all of our goals on the editorial side by making an impact in the field of foreign reporting and in building an audience.

We’ve achieved what many said was impossible: drawing millions of actively engaged readers to our site by offering quality, in-depth coverage of international affairs. We’ve built the foundation of a GlobalPost community that understands that the challenges we face – terrorism, climate change, economic crisis — are global, and therefore require a news organization that is global in reach.

We’ve broken news and been recognized for coverage that takes readers beyond the daily headlines and into virtually every corner of the world. All of you make up a fantastic team of writers, photographers, videographers and editors who’ve provided rigorous journalism and riveting storytelling. To put it simply, we owe our success in this first year to you, our team in the field.

Cheers!

We have many challenges ahead this year. And in many ways 2010 will be the pivotal year for this bold attempt in online journalism. We will need to build on our success and at the same work to protect our brand. We have to keep our standards for quality journalism at the highest level. In that spirit, I am once again attaching our field guide for correspondents and a new correction policy. Please read them both.

We must continue to develop our GlobalPost brand that uniquely blends old-school reporting and a digital-age desire to break new ground in multimedia. We have to continue to seek out “ground truth,” the facts on the ground gotten only by living where you report and analyze. We have to continue to produce special projects, and I invite you to propose ideas through your editor.

In short, we must continue while stepping up our game even more. We need to break news and find stories that matter and get noticed. Along these lines, we welcome any and all ideas for high-impact reports from the field.

We’re now able to amplify this kind of outstanding work by our editorial team through carefully cultivated partnerships. As many of you know, we’ve established key editorial partnerships with CBS News and PBS’ NewsHour. Your reporting and a special series of reports titled “On Location” are regularly featured on these broadcasts.

We’ve established syndication partnerships with some 25 newspapers, including the Newark Star Ledger, the Pittsburgh Post Gazette, the New York Daily News, the Cambodia Daily News, the Khaleej Times, the South China Morning Post and others around the United States and around the world. Your work is appearing in the pages of these newspapers and being read by a growing and loyal audience who are starting to recognize the brand, GlobalPost.

We’ve developed linking agreements with big players on the web, including the Huffington Post, NewsMax, Reuters, AOL and others. In these agreements, we offer stories from the field so that they can reach a wider audience. In exchange, we receive links back to our site, which has proven to be a steady driver of traffic.

Our audience growth has been outstanding and has far surpassed goals we set last year. We had originally hoped to achieve 600,000 unique visitors per month in our first year. We surged past 500,000 in October, and by November achieved 750,000 unique visitors in a month. That pace of growth has allowed us to feel confident that we can close in on our goal this year of 1 million unique visitors per month.

The 1 million threshold puts us in league with many large news gathering sites and will be critically important for advertisers and our ability to become a self-sustaining enterprise.

As we have built the brand and the audience, we have gathered the support of several national advertising accounts. These sponsors include Bank of America, Merrill Lynch, Liberty Mutual and Siemens. With the solid editorial team we have built, the reputation we have earned as a serious news organization, and a rapidly growing and increasingly engaged audience, we feel we are now poised in 2010 to make great strides on the business side. For a detailed picture of where we are in the business plan, please read CEO Phil Balboni’s year-end message.

We are well into this journey now, but we still have a long way to go. I look forward to hearing from all you about your ideas and your feedback on how best to navigate the way forward.

Respectfully,

Charles M. Sennott

Executive Editor and Co-Founder

The Pilot House, Lewis Wharf

Boston, MA

The New York Times reported this on its front page Monday as a follow to the story of the Detroit-bound Northwest Airlines flight on which Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab tried to detonate a chemical bomb. The chemical detonator failed and passengers jumped him, preventing the attack from taking down the airliner.

The New York Times’ Eric Schmitt and Robert F. Worth had some interesting facts about how the CIA began a program a year ago to send top field operatives in Yemen. They also revealed that the Pentagon is spending $70 million over the next 18 months and using teams of special forces to work with the Yemeni military in counter-terrorism

At GlobalPost and here on this blog, we first reported the US expanding its counter-terrorism initiative to Yemen and around the Horn of Africa back in September. It looks like we were on to something and we will continue to follow the story.

When President Obama announced Tuesday night that he will “finish the job” in Afghanistan and the White House began its hard sell to the media on the idea of a troop increase of approximately 30,000, there is one looming question that rises above all others.

What does “finish the job” mean?

There is a desperate need to clarify the mission in Afghanistan that far exceeds any consideration of troop size in Afghanistan.

When Obama delivers his national address on Tuesday and announces the most consequential foreign policy decision of his presidency, he will have to sell the troop increase with a contradictory mix of resolve and exit strategy in a war that is entering its ninth year.

It will be a hard sell to an increasingly skeptical American public, an over-stretched military, a faltering international coalition, wary Afghan neighbors such as Pakistan and Russia and a Democrat-controlled congress that might for the first time resist getting in line with a popular president. It will even be a hard sell to the military brass and political hard-liners who will see it a halting, half step toward what is needed for success.

But as he tries to close a fateful deal, the thing to look for is not whether it is 20,000 or 25,000 or 30,000 or even 40,000 troops, but whether he has succeeded in clarifying the mission and clearly explaining what he means by “finish the job.”

Is this a comprehensive and classic counter-insurgency campaign intended to deliver a death blow to Al Qaeda as well as the Taliban? Or is this a more focused counter-terrorism strategy that will cripple Al Qaeda and contain the Taliban by bringing into the fold moderate elements and chasing from the cities the more militant factions?

If it is indeed a broad counter-insurgency campaign as President Obama’s rhetoric in recent weeks and the leaks from General Stanley McChrystal, the commander of U.S. troops in Afghanistan, and others would suggest then the math doesn’t add up and the administration’s proposed troop increase is a perilous miscalculation.

Here’s why.

Al Qaeda has fewer than 100 fighters who live and die by the ideology of Osama bin Laden, according to the military’s own assessment. The Taliban is a multi-layered, multi-factional, cross-border ethnic, social and religious armed movement with wide support and deep roots in Afghanistan, particularly in its most remote regions. The many elements of the Taliban live and die and are in fact bound together by an enduring commitment to resisting corruption among Afghan leaders who control Kabul and resist any empire that should try to occupy its land.

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A fight against the ragtag remnants of Al Qaeda does not require any more troops, it requires instead better, more focused tactics and much better intelligence, particularly from neighboring Pakistan. A fight against the Taliban is never going to have sufficient troops levels even with the the 100,000 U.S. troops that will be in country if and when the 30,000 troop increase takes effect. Just ask the British military historians and the retired generals of the former Soviet Union who still remember their humiliating retreat from Afghanistan like so many empires before them.

This calculation of doom is based not only on the lessons of history, but also on what is known as “battlefield geometry,” the laws of which are very clearly spelled out in the U.S. military’s own field manual for counter insurgency.

That manual was co-authored by one of the world’s greatest military minds on counter insurgency, General David Petraeus, and in the document he calls for troop ratios that would far exceed — by at least a factor of two — what the U.S. and its withering coalition partners would have on the ground with this proposed increase.

Furthermore, a troop increase of tens of thousands more U.S. soldiers could significantly hinder an effective counter-terrorism strategy by alienating the Pashtun villages where the Taliban is strongest, according to many leading counter-insurgency experts from Washington to Helmand.

Troops that are thrown into Afghanistan without a deep understanding of its history and its tribal structure will inevitably make serious mistakes and likely be seen as an occupying force. So a bungled troop increase could, in effect, inflame the Taliban and make it stronger.

This is a critical decision by President Obama with enormous import for our country, for military families who will pay the price and for Afghanistan. No one should fault the president for careful deliberation, which the far right’s commentators prefer to call “dithering.” But it is fair and important to challenge the president on this proposed troop increase and to press him hard with an eye toward history and to ask whether his “finish the job” comment will years down the road ring just as hollow in Afghanistan as the “mission accomplished” sign came to signify the failures of the president before him in Iraq.

It is fair to ask whether those of us in the media are not too impatient on such matters. After all this is the most consequential decisioin of his presidency and isn’t deliberation and careful consideration a good thing? Well, to a point.

The truth is that Afghanistan is in a part of the world that doesn’t understand such slow, ponderings. It is mistaken for weakness. I am worried that this administration is locked in indecision.

As President Obama travels to China, the reporters in the bubble are saying that he has asked his national security team to go back at the problem and come up with new alternatives. Right now we know that General Stanley McChrystal seems to want a troop increase of somewhere between 10,000 and 40,000. That to me feels like a fateful miscalculation.

The McChrystal approach feels like a half-hearted attempt at trying to beef up a classic counter insurgency campaign when the truth is a counter insurgency campaign, by the military’s own field manual, would require hundreds of thousands of troops … Our country is not anywhere near ready to accept that kind of burden. So aren’t we wiser to go with the more contained counter-terrorism approach where we focus the mission and define victory in clear achievable terms and then focus on getting out? I think so.

I do understand the weight of the moment on this president who is already carrying a lot on his shoulders. But I truly believe the wisest course in Afghanistan is to hold the troop levels where they are now, then work to clarify the mission as counter terrroism, succeed in accomplishing its limited goals and begin to draw down the troops and leave it to the Afghan people to chart the course for the future of their country.

Whether President Obama should escalate the US troop presence in Afghanistan is coming to a head this week on the eight-year anniversary of the war in Afghanistan.

And it is all playing out behind closed doors in the White House and the Pentagon and in the cool, air-conditioned offices behind razor wire in the U.S. Embassy compound in Kabul.

The choreography of power is under way with General Stanley McChrystal, the commander of forces in Afghanistan, entering the stage through a leaked memo and President Obama in the wings agonizing in indecision as he tries to formulate a policy.

The stuff of great tragedy.

McChrystal’s obvious lobbying in favor of a US troop increase of 40,000 over and above the 68,000 in country already has tested the patience of the Obama White House.

A speech McChrystal delivered in London earlier this week has raised many eye brows in the military-intelligence community and prompted Democrats on Capitol Hill and in the administration to suggest he broke the chain of command as an officer.

In the speech, McChrystal clearly tried to advance a position calling for more troops which contradicts the views of Vice President Joe Biden who favors a more modest troop presence and stepped up drone attacks.

I have been wondering for at least six months why CENTCOM commander General David Petraeus has been so conspicuously silent in this debate and why he has let McChrystal run roughshod.

And know we know the answer: General Petraeus has been undergoing radiation treatment for cancer. A statement by the military says he learned he had early-stage prostate cancer in February and for the last two months has been in treatment.

This might help to explain the chaos that has been enveloping the Obama administration’s military strategy in Afghanistan. Sometimes one man can make a difference and in the several opportunities I have had to interview General Petraeus I come away with the distinct impression that he is a game changer. He is the best mind on counter-insurgency in the American military, and we just haven’t heard much from him.

But the military insist that his doctors caught the cancer early and that the treatments have not significantly impacted his work schedule.

So perhaps the confusion runs deep in the White House as the administration scrambles to craft a coherent policy and a clear mission.

If the president were seeking advice – as if he doesn’t have enough already – there is an important consensus emerging among the counter-insurgency experts I know, including Andrew Bacevich, the Boston University professor of history and international relations. He is also a West Point graduate, a retired Army Colonel and his son, also named Andrew, was killed in action in Iraq. He speaks with the kind of authority that is shaped by experience and by loss.

Bacevich, who is widely respected for his insights on military strategy and who has been a persistent critic of the so-called “Bush doctrine,” is among those who believe a troop build up is ill-conceived and perilous, and that the continuing confusion about the mission in Afghanistan will prove disastrous for America and its allies.

The consensus is this: less is more.

There are already 68,000 US troops in Afghanistan and they need more training in the tactics of counter insurgency. They need to hit the books and study the field manual that Petraeus worked so hard to research and codify and which provides the playbook for counter-insurgency strategy in the post 9-11 era. Okay, it’s true the manual calls for troop ratios that would require a massive influx of US soldiers into Afghanistan. But even if McChrystal’s plan were put in place those ratios would still far off. So let’s put that argument aside.
The troops need to be taught much more about the culture and the politics and the religion of the people in the country where they are serving. That kind of education will make them more effective.

That’s what I learned this summer at the US military’s excellent counter-insurgency training center at a forward operating base outside Kabul. You can check that out in our special report on Afghanistan titled “Life, Death and the Taliban.”

An escalation of troops – more troops who don’t know enough about where they are – could potentially work against the US in Afghanistan by further alienating the local population rather than providing it more security. More troops can lose hearts and minds, if their mission is unclear and they are clumsy in carrying out counter-insurgency.
Similarly, the hydrant blast of US funding for development and military aid that is pouring into Afghanistan in the billions of dollars is also fraught with peril.
On face value, it would seem that giving the Afghans more and more money to create an infrastructure and build the institutions of governance that they will need could only serve to help a country that has been a basket case for so long, right?

Well, not all think so. Including some, like Andrew Wilder, who have spent a lifetime in third world development particularly in countries of conflict. Wilder has spent many years along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border and speaks with great knowledge from the field.
“There is actually remarkably little evidence that aid has a stabilizing impact. Some argue that it has a destabilizing impact,” explained Wilder, who is now director of research at the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University.

Wilder was commenting on a developing body of work on aid in Afghanistan by our Kabul correspondent Jean MacKenzie.

“The big contracts become faceless and open to corruption. We need to spend money in smaller amounts and in the right places where we have oversight capacity … We all bemoan corruption, but we don’t look at how we contribute to corruption by funneling aid in ways that are reckless and counter-productive,” said Wilder.
Her stories, which began in our special report “Life, Death and the Taliban,” document how the contracting process in Afghanistan is being manipulated by the Taliban and providing the insurgency with an estimated tens of millions of dollars in funding.
As MacKenzie has uncovered, the Taliban is shaking down Afghan subcontractors on huge US aid development projects and military procurement contracts through what amounts to a protection racket. Either you pay, or the people working on the project are in peril.
So what can be done about that aid going to the Taliban? The contracts should be smaller and better coordinated with a larger number of accountants and project managers keeping their eyes on where the money is going.
In other words, once again, less is more.
Back on October 7, 2001 when the US-led air strikes began. I was there among a group of correspondents who were in the country to cover the US retaliation for the September 11 attacks.
It was eight years ago, not that long really. But it’s still hard to remember just how traumatized America was back then, how scary it was to be on the frontlines with the Taliban still in power and Al Qaeda fighters literally arrayed on hillsides across the valley from us speaking in Arabic on two-way radios.
We all knew then, this would be a very long war.
But I don’t think any of us realized that eight years later America would be pondering an escalation of the conflict, or that the Taliban would be resurgent and in many areas taking control.
Back then an Afghan military commander who we had gotten to know said to me, “Welcome to the Great Game,” referring to the British empire’s long and ill-fated adventures in Afghanistan.
I wonder why our military leaders don’t simply look around in Afghanistan at the graveyards of empires past and realize that it is time to clarify the mission, assign the appropriate troop levels to carry it out and prepare as quickly as possible to leave the country in the hands of the Afghan people.

Led by GlobalPost managing editor Tom Mucha, GlobalPost has provided an outstanding body of work on the global economy in recent weeks. That coverage culminates over the next two days as the G-20 leaders try to come up with the game plan to keep the global economic recovery rolling forward and how to prevent the world from sliding back into crisis.

We have been working in partnership with one of our newspaper syndication partners, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, one of America’s great city newspapers, which has done an excellent job covering the events. Their on-line team has built a very cool web page for the paper’s coverage and a running blog, “The Big Story.”

The Post-Gazette has also featured our interactive graphic, “The World Comes to Pittsburgh: A G-20 Survival Guide,” which was edited by Mucha and created by our ace web developer Luke Parlin out of our offices in Boston. The graphic features 20 reports from 20 correspondents on the G-20 counries and is a survival guide to the events here, providing you with the players and the positions they hold. Tom and Luke also worked with our correspondents in the field to build “World of Trouble: Is the Nightmare Over?” This is the third version we’ve published of an interactive map that allows you to see the global economic crisis — and the slow grinding recovery — from the vantage point of our correspondents around the world.

Here in Pittsburgh, I have been working with Cynthia Skrzycki, a GlobalPost businesss columnist and expert on regulation who also happens to live here in Pittsburgh. So she provides the groundtruth for us on this great city.

I arrived in Pittsburgh and immediately starting writing about this gritty and welcoming city and how it was bracing for the world to arrive on its doorstep. The city was chosen to host the G-20 summit because of its stunning Renaissance from a dying steel mill town to a vibrant, modern city that has reinvented itself as a center for medicine, academia and technology.

There’s heavy security here with 900 Pittsburgh police and 1000 additional police sworn in from forces around the country who are on hand to protect the city from a small army of protesters, activists and anarchists who are threatening to disrupt the gathering of world leaders as they did so effectively at past summits in San Francisco and Genoa, Italy. Wednesday, Greenpeace successfully carried out an operation by climbing a bridge with repelling ropes and unfurling a huge banner that read: “DANGER: Climate Destruction Ahead. Reduce CO2 Emissions Now.”

The next days will bring to a culmination an extraordinary week for those who follow foreign policy debates on Afghanistan, Iran, Israel-Palestine and the efforts by the US and the Group of 20, of G-20, countries to address the crisis. And GlobalPost is covering it all from the psychotic ramblings of Muammar Gadhafi to the important speech by President Obama to the protests that greeted Iranian president Ahmadenijad in New York. Be sure to check out the analysis-with-edge by our new GlobalPost columnist, Mohamad Bazzi, who will be writing on the Muslim world for us.

It’s a big week for those who follow the issues that affects us all — the struggles against terrorism, climate change, nuclear proliferation, the global economy and the Obama administration’s still emerging foreign policy — and GlobalPost has a lot of groundtruth for you to check out. Let us know what you think by posting comments here or on GlobalPost.

Consider the events GlobalPost correspondents reported just this week:

In Indonesia, Peter Gelling provided authoritative coverage of the country’s elite counter-terrorism force killing Noordin Top, the leader of Indonesia’s answer to Al Qaeda.

In Somalia, six US attack helicopters swept over a convoy of the Al Qaeda-inspired Al Shabaab fighters and killed Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, a leader who has long been wanted by the US in connection with the 1998 attack two US embassies in East Africa. GlobalPost correspondent Tristan McConnell reported from Kenya on how the attacks reveal a dramatic shift in US policy to confront Al Qaeda in the failed state of Somalia.

In Yemen, GlobalPost’s Laura Kasinof reported on the air strikes that killed scores of civilians fleeing fighting in Northern Yemen where the government forces appear to be succumbing to American pressure to step up the fight against “an increasingly active branch of Al Qaeda in the country,” as she wrote.

The US intelligence community is buzzing about evidence emerging over the summer that Al Qaeda leaders are gathering in Somalia and Yemen and trying to establish a new nexus for operations after Pakistan’s military finally stepped up the pressure on Al Qaeda in the tribal areas along the border with Afghanistan.

CIA director Leon E. Panetta publicly revealed this in briefings over the summer.

An early warning about this came from Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who spoke at the Brookings Institute in the late spring, saying, “I am very worried about growing safe havens in both Somalia and Yemen, specifically because we have seen Al Qaeda leadership, some leaders, start to flow to Yemen.”

The concentration of violent jihadist campaigns in Yemen and Somalia illustrate that Al Qaeda is a movement not an organization, and the fact that they are scrambling to move base and being hit even as they do so is a sign that they are greatly weakened now eight years after the September 11th attacks.

Eight years.

And, as I wrote in my column that day for GlobalPost, there are hard questions that linger: how is it possible that we have not completed the construction of a 9-11 monument, what have we accomplished in Afghanistan and how did we go so far astray in Iraq?

It was a somber moment to reflect on eight years of reporting in Afghanistan and Iraq and in the London bombings and the Madrid bombings and the seemingly endless struggle that came to be called “The Long War” during the Bush administration and that these days seems to have no name at all. Check out two interviews I did about the anniversary of September 11 on John Hockenberry’s The Takeaway, the kick-ass, morning radio show produced by Public Radio International out of WNYC in New York, and on our editorial partner WorldFocus, produced out of WNET in New York and aired on PBS television stations.

I was thinking about all the datelines form which I had filed on this long, struggle against terrorism. And about one place in particular, Ganjgal, Afghanistan, where four US Marines were killed last week in an ambush. McClatchy Newspapers correspondent, Jonathan S. Landay, an excellent combat reporter, was embedded with the unit that entered the village in the Sarkani district and walked into the ambush. Landay’s harrowing account is must reading to understand just how bad things are over there.

But I have some unique background on Ganjgal, a village in Kunar Province. I was there for The Boston Globe on the fifth anniversary of 9-11 and it provided the centerpiece of a special report — with video, audio, written dispatches and excellent photography by VII’s Gary Knight — on the perils of the US’ “forgotten war” in Afghanistan. (That report was in many ways a precursor of the GlobalPost special report “Life, Death and the Taliban.”) In 2006 , I wrote about how insurgents fired rockets down on the Forward Operation Base that is adjacent to the village. The attack shook us and we awoke to US and Afghan forces returning fire into the darkness at an unseen enemy. The local US commander was surprised by the attack because the village was considered sympathetic to the Americans set up in the FOB next door. In fact, in the trite shorthand that goes with war, the commander called them “our friendlies.”

Back then, I reported how, after meeting with village elders from Ganjgal in the following days, we learned that the village elders had allowed Pakistani militants to set up the attack because the village was angry that several of its elders had been captured and detained and were being held in Bagram on no charges. There were allegations of torture and brutal treatment. There was a mistrust brewing between the village and the FOB
and you could feel it taking shape back then. Now, it is my understanding, that several of those village elders have never been released from Bagram and now there is an open hostility between Ganjgal and the nearby FOB. In every village in Afghanistan where insurgents are engaged in battle against the US and the coalition, there is a back story like this one. The only way the US will ever be effective in Afghanistan is for its troops to know these back stories, to understand where the hostility of that village comes from. And then, to have the courage and the wisdom to examine whether in fact its village elders were wrongly accused and unlawfully detained. And if they establish that is the case, they should work hard to correct the error and secure the men’s release. That will go a very long way in turning that village around to become what General Petraeus calls, “reconcilables,” or what the local commander called, “our friendlies.”

The federal government announced an investigation and congress declared it would hold public hearings this fall on our Kabul correspondent Jean MacKenzie’s investigative piece about how American tax payers’ money is ending up in the hands of the Taliban. You have got to read this piece which was credited on CNN, CBS, Reuters, HuffingtonPost and all over the blogosphere and different websites. It was one of those stories that staggers the mind. The headline says it all: “US taxpayers funding the Taliban?”

MacKenzie’s reporting focuses on what has long been an open secret in Afghanistan, that the Taliban has established what is essentially a protection racket in which it takes a cut of up to 20 percent from contractors receiving hundreds of millions of dollars for development projects in Afghanistan. Twenty percent.

That’s a big cut even for the mafia. The Italian organized crime families traditionally took only 10 percent of the construction industry in the cities in controlled.

I was thinking about that this morning as I walked near our headquarters here on Atlantic Avenue in Boston and saw one of the last great mafia funerals.

The black limos were lined up along the narrow streets of the North End, this city’s Italian neghborhood. And there were flatbed trucks filled with fresh cut flowers. And wise guys in black suits with sunglasses were standing solemnly as the casket of Gennaro “Jerry” Angiulo, one of the most powerful mafia figures in New England as his coffin was loaded into the hearse.

Angiulo died a free man, but only after serving 25 years in federal prison on a litany of charges including racketeering, gambling and loansharking. He was 90 years old.

The scene got me thinking about the federal government’s long fight against organized crime in America and what it can teach us about the struggle against the Taliban.

In the end of the day, the Taliban are criminal thugs and the sooner the US treats them that way, the sooner the government will begin to have impact in Afghanistan. After all, it was when the federal government stopped fighting the mafia and starting trying to cut off their money supply that they succeeded in breaking its hold on cities like Chicago and New York and Boston. It’s time for the US State Department to start thinking that way about the Taliban. Go after the money. To his credit, US Special Envoy Richard Holbrooke likes this strategy, but Washington has been slow to move on granting him the auditors and investigators he has requested. And meanwhile the Taliban continues to brazenly carry out its protection rackets and pocket what is estimated to be at least tens of millions of dollars in money that was meant to build bridges and roads and other public works.

The Taliban are an armed insurgency for sure, but they are also a corrupt crime family, not unlike the mafia, that uses fear tactics to control its population and fund its organization. Like the mafia, the Taliban is beloved in the local community because it offers security and a sense of belonging. The North End has always been the safest place to live in Boston. And the community have always looked out for each other. After all, “Cosa Nostra,” means “Our Thing,” in Italian.

That really is not that different from the Pashtun villages where the Taliban holds power. It is ‘their thing.” They know the people, they keep the peace, they protect the collective culture and their way of life and they quite simply kill anyone who gets out of line or threatens their hold on power. Angiulo would have understood that. But he never would have understood 20 percent. In the old world of the mafia, that is just not gentlemanly. It’s not honorable.

Jerry Angiulo must be rolling over in his grave.